![]() This difference in method has profound implications. ![]() By contrast the illiberal left put their own power at the centre of things, because they are sure real progress is possible only after they have first seen to it that racial, sexual and other hierarchies are dismantled. It must be spontaneous and from the bottom up-and it depends on the separation of powers, so that nobody nor any group is able to exert lasting control. For classical liberals, the precise direction of progress is unknowable. However, classical liberals and illiberal progressives could hardly disagree more over how to bring these things about. They believe in the desirability of change. They share a suspicion of authority and entrenched interests. Both believe that people should be able to flourish whatever their sexuality or race. Superficially, the illiberal left and classical liberals like The Economist want many of the same things. They have also brought along tactics to enforce ideological purity, by no-platforming their enemies and cancelling allies who have transgressed-with echoes of the confessional state that dominated Europe before classical liberalism took root at the end of the 18th century. As young graduates have taken jobs in the upmarket media and in politics, business and education, they have brought with them a horror of feeling “unsafe” and an agenda obsessed with a narrow vision of obtaining justice for oppressed identity groups. We describe this week how a new style of politics has recently spread from elite university departments. The attack from the left is harder to grasp, partly because in America “liberal” has come to include an illiberal left. If people cannot settle their differences using debate and trusted institutions, they resort to force. The enduring falsehood that the presidential election in 2020 was stolen points to where such impulses lead. They subordinate facts and reason to tribal emotion. Populists denigrate liberal edifices such as science and the rule of law as façades for a plot by the deep state against the people. The most dangerous threat in liberalism’s spiritual home comes from the Trumpian right. Nowhere is the fight fiercer than in America, where this week the Supreme Court chose not to strike down a draconian and bizarre anti-abortion law. It is time for liberals to understand what they are up against and to fight back. But it is undergoing a severe test, just as it did a century ago when the cancers of Bolshevism and fascism began to eat away at liberal Europe from within. This book critically discusses existing theoretical frameworks related to alternative media in general, analysing a wide scope of cases to illustrate the diversity of voices in alternative media on the right and highlighting the importance of intellectual coolness and common sense in discussions about this important but ideologically and politically charged area.Īn important addition to the current discourse of contemporary media, Right-Wing Alternative Media is ideal for researchers, students and anyone interested in politics and public discourse.Over the past 250 years classical liberalism has helped bring about unparalleled progress. How should this challenge to mainstream politics and media be understood? Journalistic, political and academic discourse has struggled to explain these tendencies and tend to focus on sensational and extreme examples, with little attention directed towards other aspects. The rise and success of right-wing populism in the political life of many western countries, along with several new and apparently successful alternative media operations on the right, has caused surprise and confusion among researchers and debaters. This book offers a fresh perspective on central questions related to right-wing alternative media: Can right-wing media be alternative? Why do they exist? Are they a threat to the existing order and what have the reactions been from mainstream politicians and media actors? The rise and success of right-wing populism in the political life of many western countries, along wit This book offers a fresh perspective on central questions related to right-wing alternative media: Can right-wing media be alternative? Why do they exist? Are they a threat to the existing order and what have the reactions been from mainstream politicians and media actors?
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